AAR 10
From: Vasil'Chikov, 12th Division, VII Army Corps (Bob Mulligan)
I do not play Napoleonics nor 25 mm, but I knew I wanted to play in
Borodino
'02. As a veteran of Gettysburg '00 I had been impressed at the size
of the
game, the difficulties inherent in cooperating and coordinating with
such a
large number of players/generals, and finally, I wanted to see how I
measured up against other experienced players in such a tightly
controlled
environment. I had won the Bent Bayonet Award at Gettysburg; perhaps
I could
be a big winner at Borodino.
I did not respond to any of the pre-game blather on the Internet.
Having
played a dozen Carnage & Glory games in the past, I knew that any
points of
dispute would be settled by the umpire. In any event, the computer
program
can only allow so much leeway. Besides, I was a mere division
commander, and
would do what the Corps Commander ordered. My attitude was that of the
subaltern in the WWI Punch Magazine cartoon. Standing in a watery
trench, he
is asked by a visiting "Colonel Blimp:" "What is your defensive plan
for
this position?" The Subaltern's reply: "To stay here and fight like
Hell."
But I do agree with Prince Kutusoff who said in one of his eMails,
that
talking it up and "bonding" before the game would help to make you
known to
other players, and MIGHT get you some reinforcements when you needed
them,
as a result. Good advice.
I was pleased when I learned I would be stationed in an advanced
position
around the town of Borodino. This seemed to indicate immediate action
with
the French. (In Gettysburg, I waited from Friday to Saturday to get
into
action.) But, when I learned that I was to be stationed on the wrong
side of
the river (that is, in the town of Borodino itself) I thought I might
have
too much excitement too soon. I was right.
My Mission was to serve as
a
delaying force by holding the good defensive terrain within the town
and
causing casualties (AND fatigue.) Raevsky's VIIth Corps was to defend
C4 and
the Northern Road to Moscow. I discovered upon seeing the table, that
with
eight battalions holding the town, and two in reserve across the
river and
holding the bridge there, I did not have anywhere near the troops
needed to
defend the line of earthworks to the north of town. Raevsky and I
agreed
immediately to abandon these, and to put two regiments: 682-3
Alexopol and
684-5 New Ingermanland under Generalmajor Rylief within the town, and
another, 678-9 Smolensk under Generalmajor Pantzerbieter within a
cemetery
on the southern edge of town. The 1/6 Jagers were sent west on the
Moscow
Road, to give early warning of the French approach. 2/6JR was posted
within
the cemetery in support. 680-1 Narva was posted across the Kalocha in
reserve, and to support the guns.
With dawn, the enemy acted as I expected them to. Large numbers of
infantry
moved across my front from south to north, while a second force
prepared to
assault the cemetery. No less than seven batteries deployed on a
slight
ridge to my front, just to the west of town.
Throughout the game I was distressed by the lack of artillery under
my own
command. I have no reason to complain about lack of artillery support
from
Corps, for presumably they did their job. (Raevsky and I had agreed
beforehand that the proper role of artillery was to shoot at massed
infantry, within medium range or less, and then only to fire at
100%.) But
the psychological effects of not having the inherent support of SOME
guns
was certainly distressing.
I am reminded of Hancock's order to his batteries to fire away during
the
pre-Pickett's Charge bombardment. Tactically it was the wrong thing
to do,
depleting his ammunition and tiring his gunners. But psychologically
it was
the right thing to do, as it let the sheltering infantry know that
they were
not totally helpless.
Soon two batteries were positioned near the banks of the Kalocha with
good
fields of fire in our support. North of the New Moscow Road was 677
Light
Battery #47 (6 pdr Mediums) of our division, and 670 Position Battery
#26
(12 pdr Mediums) from Schoulmann's Brigade, 2nd Army Artillery
Reserve, to
the south of the road.
I also took care to send off numerous written sighting reports to
higher
headquarters; timed and placed messages giving new developments as I
noticed
them. (Not that I noticed everything: sometimes I would realize that
a new
battery or brigade had been in place for a move or two, before it
registered
on my mind, and I got the news onto paper. Poor staff work, here!)
But I
continued to send messages as appropriate, throughout the game. As an
aside,
I got NO messages in return. (Well, I never approached a moment of
crisis,
so I suppose HQ had other things to do than send me messages.)
One message I remember, was to try to identify the units opposing me
by
describing the coats of one of the regiments: RED! I hardly thought I
was
opposed by British troops, but it turned out the brown coats of the
Portuguese Legion had a lot of red in the brown, and in the uncertain
morning light, the coats certainly did look red. By the way, these
were
plucky fellows, making several attacks on the town, and still holding
their
position at the end of the battle. Knowing that these soldiers, so
far from
home, would have low morale, I targeted them often hoping to send them
routing. Our propaganda lied, as usual. Looking at the casualty
returns, I
see that in truth they did not suffer very much at all. I would
certainly
have said otherwise.
I planned to cower within the buildings and behind the cemetery walls,
causing as much death and destruction as I could, but not to
reinforce the
village since, again, it was too forward a position. My mission was
to delay
not to hold, and it would have been suicide to move troops in column
across
the Kalocha stream over that narrow stone bridge.
The attackers did as they should have, attacking on a broad front with
artillery support. C&G REALLY gives a defensive bonus to rested
troops in
cover, when they fire at close range. Even when firing from only two
sides
of a building (50% of a unit,) I was able to stop assaults several
times,
and repulse the attackers outside the walls if they did close to
contact.
What then, happened? Because the troops crammed into the cemetery
filled the
available space so tightly, the commander of that brigade was
touching the
unit, and it appeared he was attached. Actually he was not, as
Raevsky and I
had agreed there was no point attaching officers unless a desperate
situation required their presence to retake a position or hold a
critical
point. I had set the officer on the stone wall surrounding the
cemetery. But
jiggles on the table had caused him to slide forward into contact. On
such
little incidents do decisions of great magnitude depend!
For some reason, I was not present to oversee the exchange of fire.
Probably
because I was being attacked from two sides at once, and dealing with
two
opponents to my one. The Umpire (Tom Ballou) calling in the
information,
made the perfectly natural assumption that the officer was attached.
Boom! Crash! Alas poor Panzerbieter. A shell from one of the many
batteries
in support of the Poles attacking the cemetery knocked him from his
horse,
hit him in the elbow and severely wounded him. Of course, the
battalion in
reserve saw all, and their dismay soon communicated to the battalion
manning
the wall. The mistake was soon realized, but the information was in
the
computer! From now on, these troops would suffer a penalty on any
morale
roll.
Meantime. I was slowly losing houses within the village.
At midnight the game was called, and I went to bed, but not to sleep.
In
fact, not even to lie still! So intense had the four hours of
fighting been;
so important to the outcome the battle. (Well, from my perspective, I
was
the only guy in the whole room fighting!) There must have been some
action o
n my right, to the north of C4, but of that I was totally unaware.
I lay churning over plans for the morrow. Reinforce over the bridge?
Insist
that batteries be moved up to cover the area over which the enemy was
attacking? Etc....
Next morning it was an easy hours work for the French to drive my
troops
from the village, some in rout, some in slightly more organized
fashion. My
remaining untouched Regiment (680-1 Narva) was in a good position on
the
opposite river bank, supported by two, later three Batteries, and
backed by
the Moscow Militia in entrenchments. I was able to take my routed
troops to
the top of the hill behind my lines, and gradually had the leisure to
attach
both myself and the remaining Brigadier (Palitzin of the Jagers) to
rally
them. And to wait for the onslaught, which had to succeed since I had
but
one Regiment and by now, three Batteries. But all was not roses and
sunshine. The Moscow Militia disorganized INSIDE their entrenchments,
WITHOUT BEING FIRED UPON!
The assault never came. The Poles marched off to a pointless death in
front
of the Great Redoubt. The French (or whoever they were) of Junot's
Corps (?)
settled into the village and gradually recovered from their
exhaustion as I
did.
For the rest of the game I did nothing. Wandered around, looked at the
vendors wares, chatted up umpires etc. Waiting in ranks at Order Arms
is
very realistic, and I'm not complaining. Most units in such big
battles
stand around and wait, looking on while some other poor bastards get
clobbered. And I certainly got my fill of action Thursday night. But
still
......
Lessons learned:
In future games, those players who are not likely to see action
should be
sent to a reserve pool for reassignment. Certainly there was a lot of
action
on Friday and Saturday, and certainly there were several command
slots not
filled. To be fair to the organizers, there were lectures, (how come
I never
attended a one??) tours of the Fort (which I took) and several side
games. I
played Frank Chadwick's 54mm V&B game. Again, I am not complaining,
but a
"snatcher of bodies" might be appointed for future Jodiecons.
I had a good time. Thursday night was all the action I had hoped for.
It was
nice to meet new gamers. Rob Baron from California commanded the Poles
attacking me. With him I felt an immediate kinship of age, interests,
experience, etc. Also to meet and chat up Ahmet and Halise from
Turkey, who
sat at my table for one lunch. I went to the Episcopal services in the
1840's Garrison Chapel, and that made my wife Connie happy. I also
chatted
up Fred Hubig. I learned he grew up about 30 miles from where I live.
Most interesting was to see the dynamics of group interaction. The
effects
of fog of war, the group-think of outguessing what the enemy will do
next,
the pleading for or denying reinforcements, .... these you don't get
in a
basement facing your usual gaming opponents over a 4 foot by 8 foot
battlefield. Jodiecon does something no club nor convention game can
ever
do: give a "real" battlefield perspective over a long period of time
and
over an entire large battlefield.
I am amazed that even tho' I wandered around for most of Friday and
Saturday, I still have almost no idea of what happened on the other
tables.
The players were strangers, and they were BUSY. Not a whole lot of
opportunity to kibitz.
Another and interesting lesson learned was insight gained about
medals and
honors. By 11 pm Thursday people were coming around to see the action
in
Borodino Village and saying: "Still holding the town? Gee, you're
doing
great!" And my little guys DID do well. But a funny thing happened.
The
Umpire was reassigned to another table for Friday and Saturday. No
recommendation from him for the Grand Cross of the Order of St.
Michael the
Archangel. Next day the massive bloodletting of the Corps at the Great
Redoubt and on the far southern flank attack so dwarfed my "battle of
the
brigades" that the courage and sacrifice of my lads, far from being a
gallant and desperate defense of which the poets sing, proved to be
no more
than a speed bump on the road to Moscow.
My little guys DID do well. One jager and three infantry regiments of
the
12th Division (ten battalions engaged of twelve) suffered 1102
casualties
overall. For the entire division this was a 20% rate of loss, the
third
highest Division percentage of loss in the army. For the ten
battalions
engaged, it was a 30% loss.
12th Division loss was 8% of the total bayonets lost in the army. The
Division of Bakhmetieff II suffered a 56% rate of loss or 16% of the
army's
bayonet loss; while Olsoufieff's Division suffered a rate of loss of
50%
which was 16% of all bayonets. Vasil'chikov's Division suffered its
loss in
just five hours of play, or only a couple hours game time.
But a caution here. I don't know how other divisions suffered their
losses.
Was it by hard fighting, or cut down while fleeing? I've no idea.
Working
with Nigel's casualty printout and my calculator, I cannot help but
reflect
on Mark Twain's statement that "There are Lies, Damn Lies, ... and
Statistics." A great American philosopher, that man!
Sunday morning I failed to persuade Raevsky to attack across the
river to
support Ahmet's Cossack attack, supported by Pahlen's cavalry. They
were
running amok behind the French lines. I'm sure we could have rolled
up Ney's
flank and perhaps even threatened the hill upon which Napoleon himself
watched. I remember saying to Raevsky: "L'audace, l'audace, toujours
l'audace!" But to no avail. He no doubt had his orders. And I had
mine.
"Hold the Kalocha." Once again, I am forced to confront my thrice
dangerous
belief that the most successful generals are those who disobey their
orders.
I didn't get the Grand Cross of Saint Michael the Archangel, but then,
neither did I get the Bent Bayonet award. And I'm anxious to learn
what
Jodiecon is going to do next!
Bob Mulligan, aka Vasil'Chikov commanding 12th Division, VII Army
Corps
|